Simon Sebag Montefiore  Stalin

Montefiore and the Stalin Conspiracy File

September 25, 2011

"The evidence Montefiore willfully ignores  suggests that even in his early career Stalin was already an instrument of the corporate PTB who were building up the Soviet Union as an industrial and military counter-balance to the USA."

Review by Guy Nicholls
(Edited by

In 2004 Simon Sebag Montefiore described Georgian Prime Minister Mikhail Sakashvilli as "the dashing young victor of Georgia's Rose Revolution" (1).

His biography of another Georgian, Josef Stalin. up until the Russian Revolution in 1917, was published in 2007. Young Stalin was favorably reviewed in all the establishment media. Montefiore contends that the man who Trotsky deemed a "mediocrity" was actually the master tactician and prolific fund-raiser who made the Russian Revolution possible.

Simon Sebag Montefiore is the scion of an old Illuminati banking family. Simon's great-great uncle, Sir Moses Montefiore, became a banking partner of N M Rothschild & Sons. The book is supposedly an attempt to shed new light on the early life of the former Soviet dictator mass murderer and thereby rebut Trotsky's charge.  

If the "dashing young victor" of the Rose Revolution is now reviled by the Georgian opposition in 2011 as a dictator, Sakashvilli's resemblance to Stalin is not illusory (2). Like the Bolshevik clique that came to power in 1917 Sakashvilli's National Movement-Democrats enjoyed sponsorship from the stable of powerful Rothschild-linked international bankers (3).

If Montefiore was reticent about discussing these backers of Sakasvilli's ascent to power, he is equally coy about the forces behind the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917!

Aside from signally failing to convince us that Stalin was more of a swashbuckling career criminal, a Robin Hood of the Revolution, soon to be a major Hollywood movie, Montefiore fails in a number of other ways to rehabilitate his subject.

Indeed though it might be highly entertaining as a novel; from an historical point of view, a vast lacunae of unanswered questions lies at the heart of the book. Though Montefiore was given acess to sources in the Rothschild archive and newly released Georgian documents, the book is actually thoroughly and deliberately under-researched.


Banker Moses Montefiore (1784-1885) was one  of the founding fathers of the Jewish Freemasonic group, B'nai B'rith, and an active Zionist in the nineteenth century (4). Montefiore visited Palestine seven times during his lifetime and also paid a visit to Russia in 1872. Trotsky himself was a B'nai B'rith member having joined in New York from whence he sailed for Russia in 1917 with Wall Street gold. 
Readers will find little depth to the coverage here of far more significant sources of finance behind the Bolsheviks than supposed master bank-robber, Stalin (5). Wall Street financier, Jacob Schiff and the Warburg group as well as the Rothschild agent, Alexander Parvus are airbrushed in this account. These men --the true shapers of history-- do not figure in Young Stalin.

Parvus had been a pioneer of the permanent revolution tactics used in the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. This turned out to be the Judaeo-Masonic rehearsal for the Russian Revolution. According to Solzhenitzyn, Parvus taught Lenin and Trotsky as well as the German High Command how a small clique could seize power in Russia (6).

Parvus was an instrument of the powers of "Alien High Finance" described by Ivor Benson (7). According to Benson, financiers like the Warburgs, Rothschilds and Montefiores were able, by Stalin's time, to control politics on an international basis. In other words-though of course Simon Sebag isn't going to tell us this - an illegitimate financial elite is the true power behind figures like Stalin and Hitler in the last century! 


A number of conspiracy researchers like Cliff Shack hoped Montefiore would shed light on Stalin's relationship with the Rothschilds (8). Shack along with another researcher, Greg Hallett, has suggested that Stalin was lfathered by Edmond de Rothschild who in his capacity as a wine entrepreneur had been let loose in Georgia, a country which, according to Montefiore-"virtually floated on wine" (9).

There he may well have come into contact with Yakov Egnatashvilli the prosperous Georgian wine merchant for whom Stalin's mother worked. Alas, we can only wonder why the possibility that Stalin was a Rothschild bastard remains unexplored by Montefiore!

Montefiore describes Stalin's elation in 1902 when he secured a job in the Rothschilds' Batumi refinery and how within days he had burned down the warehouse (11). We can only speculate about the secret evidence Montefiore tells us exists re-"the secret contact with the Rothschild management-the start of his murky relationship with the oil barons" .

Despite his having access to the family archive, we never learn whether Stalin was a paid saboteur FOR or AGAINST the Rothschild oil interests. Nor do we discover how long his relationship with the "Franco-Jewish dynasty", as Montefiori quaintly refers to them lasted. He tells us about the protection rackets Stalin ran to extort money for the Bolshevik cause from the oil tycoons. We also learn that he enjoyed the protection of the manganese-mining tycoons (12) but due to Montefiore's irritating intellectual fan-dancing, this crucial part of Stalin's career remains murky.  

It is, however, illuminating to discover that once in power in 1925, Stalin farmed out contracts for the development of Soviet oil to the Rockefellers whereby in return for financing his Five Year Plans, they got a half-interest in Soviet oil including the Baku field.

In the same year Stalin also allowed the Harriman interests and Guarantee Trust to develop and exploit the Georgian manganese mines at Chiatura. Montefiori notes that Stalin had been active at  Batumi, Baku and Chiatura before the Revolution, but he does not touch on the relationships Stalin may well have cultivated with the US financial oligarchy at this time. Anthony Sutton found that US-built infrastructure and technology were crucial to subsequent Soviet industrial development (13).  
The evidence Montefiore willfully ignores  suggests that Stalin even in his early career in the oilfields was already becoming an instrument of the corporate PTB who were building up the Soviet Union as an industrial and military counter-balance to the USA. Montefiore with the Rothschild archive at his finger-tips merely signs off on his threadbare coverage with the suggestion that Stalin was "probably" still on their payroll in 1907 (14)!


The London Conference of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party was hosted by the Fabians during April-May 1907. The fact that London was a training ground at this time for foreign subversives and terrorists much like the "Londonistan" we know today is alluded to by Montefiore who likens the Bolsheviks at that time to jihadis today (15). Characteristically Montefiore keeps the real purpose of Stalin's visit and the connections between the early Bolsheviks and the British Fabians vague.

Evidently Stalin's terrorist exploits had so alienated his fellow Georgians that none of his delegation had voting rights. The Bolsheviks had been routed in Georgia and Party finances were at a low ebb. Nevertheless the Conference was covered by the tabloids which reflected the vicarious fascination the British had for these exotic swarthy anarchists from the East (6)!

Every day Okhrana agents and British Special Branch kept eyes on the subversives. Whether Stalin received training from British military intelligence on this visit or subsequently as  Greg Hallett has suggested, is another off-limits topic area for Montefiore (13).


Pictured wearing a scarf resembling a Jewish prayer shawl Stalin's dashing (Sakashvilli-like) features stare out from the cover of the book. Montefiore's coverage of the spectacular Tiflis bank raid Stalin organized on his return to Georgia from London in 1907 implants the image of the romantic young brigand in our minds. Yet just what dividends for the Bolshevik  revolutionary cause did Stalin's repertoire of permanent revolution tactics achieve?

Notwithstanding all Stalin's "shakedowns, currency counterfeiting, extortion, bank robberies, piracy and protection rackets-as well as political agitation and journalism" the Bolsheviks were still losing support and desperate  .    
for money.

Despite Stalin's much flair vaunted flair as a "super-conspirator" (256) the Bolsheviks were deeply penetrated by Okhrana double agents. Stalin himself fell victim to their machinations in 1913 when he was betrayed by Malinovsky and sent to Siberia ( 278-281).


By his failure to address the question of how far Stalin's links with international finance may have been forged early in his career, Montefiore has in fact  answered the question that lies at the heart of this book.

For Montefiore admits that if Stalin had been a "phoney," then the whole Soviet experiment must have been a fraud too (228)!. To an establishment historian, the possibility of answering both questions in the affirmative is unthinkable. To the rest of us-as well as all his millions of victims-no amount of execrable poetry and vicarious revelations about his romantic liaisons should be allowed to deceive into thinking otherwise!      





(4) For Montefiore's involvement in British intelligence and the opium trade see Kalimptgis,K. et al: Dope Inc. (1978)

(5) Montefiore, to his credit, does finger the Paris Rothschilds and various oil barons and tycoons as Bolshevik financial backers but surmises that they were all misguided and all lost fortunes after the Revolution! YS pp.206-207.

(6) Lenin in Zurich: The Bodley Head:London, 1976

(7) Benson, Ivor: This Age of Conflict


(9) YS p.24


(11) YS Chapter 10

(12) Ibid. pp.135-136

(13) On the theory Stalin's activities in the oilfields were on behalf of John D Rockefeller all along see: .
The Sutton work is Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution here:

(14) YS p.194