The Take-Over of Power To co

[Extract] Under the sign of the Scorpion- the Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire by Juri Lina

The Take-Over of Power

To confuse and to camouflage their Illuminist order in Russia, the Bolshevik leadership intended to call the future regime the Soviet (i.e. Kahal) regime.
On 21 September 1917, Jakub Fï¿½rstenberg sent a telegram from Stockholm to Raphael Scholan (Shaumann) in Haparanda (it is preserved in the American National Archives): "Dear comrade! The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened in accordance with telegram from president of Rhenish-Westphalian Syndicate an account for the undertaking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney (agent), presumably Mr. Kastroff, purchased arms and has organised their transportation... And a person authorised to receive the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky. Fïrstenberg."

On 23 September (6 October) Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Workers’ and Soldiers’ Soviet, despite his being neither a soldier nor a worker. Everything was possible among the freemasons.

Meanwhile, the United States demanded ever larger contributions to the war from Kerensky. The Provisional Government reluctantly complied. The minister for war affairs, Alexander Verkhovsky, resigned in protest. It is interesting to note that the American demands ceased immediately after the Bolsheviks had seized power.

I must point out here that, according to Antony Sutton, different documents in the archives of the American State Department prove that David Francis, the American ambassador in Moscow, was kept well-informed about the Bolsheviks’ plans. The White House knew at least six weeks in advance when the Bolsheviks would take over power. That event had been appointed to take place on a date which happened to coincide with Trotsky’s birthday. So, those plans were known in the United States as early as the 13th (26th) September 1917.

The president of the United States Woodrow Wilson knew in advance that the Bolshevik take-over would prolong the world war. But he did nothing to stop their plans. On the contrary, he did everything in his power to aid them. The United States of America was the only nation to make a huge profit on the war. All the other warring powers lost gigantic sums and came to owe the United States a total of 14 billion dollars. It has been calculated that the international financial ï¿½lite made a total of 208 billion dollars on the war.

The British government also knew about the Bolshevik plans, since they also recommended that their subjects leave Moscow at least six weeks before the take-over. (Antony C. Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 45.) So it appears both London and Washington knew who they were dealing with.

The 8th of November came ever closer and the Bolsheviks did everything in their power to spread apathy among the workers and soldiers, which they later intended to exploit. They also tried to tempt people with the magic word: "Peace!", which no longer felt so treasonable.

The Bolshevik Party was not very large at this point. Furthermore, it had an Illuminist core of 4000 members who were most active. Meanwhile, the circulation of Pravda decreased from 220 000 to 85 000 copies.

According to Margarita Fofanova, Lenin returned to Petrograd on the 5th and not the 20th of October, as officially claimed. He stayed with Fofanova until the take-over. The authorities knew perfectly well that Lenin was in Petrograd. This was confirmed to an official by Lenin’s sister Maria. The Provisional Government did not in any way try to pursue or arrest Lenin.

The Bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general public was not ignorant about them and least of all the Provisional Government. Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn on the 31st of October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of those plans on a number of occasions. The historian E. M. Halliday admitted in his book "Russia in Revolution" (Malmï¿½, 1968, p. 114) that the authorities knew of the Bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?

For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much the fact that the Bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested. (Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 37.)

It is of course a fabrication that the leading Bolsheviks gathered on the 23rd of October (5th of November) in Nikolai Sukhanov’s (Gimmel’s) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter Palace. Any other Bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power at the Second Soviet Congress on the 25th October (7th of November) anyway. This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed a military revolutionary committee on the 12th (25th) of October. The power was transferred to this organ in secret on the 21st of October (3rd of November). (Heller and Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 38.)

All the available facts today suggest an organised plot and not any kind of spontaneous action.

Lenin was not seen between the 2nd and 7th of November. He was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disappeared from Fofanova’s flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about Lenin’s mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova’s on the evening of the 24th of October (6th of November). Neither was he in the Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book "About Nadezhda Krupskaya", published in 1988 in Moscow. Nadezhda had come from Smolny to Fofanova’s flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6th of November. According to other sources, he turned up only on the 7th of November. He had taken a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: "Es schwindelt!" (I’m dizzy!). He was in control!

Lenin immediately began threatening with executions if he was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.

The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny Girls’ School, was led by Fiodor Dan (actually Gurvich, 1871-1947), one of the Menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40 in the morning of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the power seized by the soviets. The Soviet Congress accepted the motion to form a new government -– the Council of People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650. The government was to be exclusively composed of Bolsheviks with Lenin at the head. The leader of the Mensheviks, L. Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.

It was actually the military revolutionary committee who had seized the power. The Bolsheviks modelled it on the revolutionary committees the Jacobins created during the so-called French Revolution. The committee in Petrograd consisted of 18 Commissars. Most of them were either Jews or married to Jewesses. The chairman was Leon Trotsky (Jew). Other members were: Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin (half-Jew), Adolf Yoffe (Jew), Josef Unschlicht (Jew), Gleb Boky (Jew), Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Jew), Konstantin Mekhonoshin (Jew), Mikhail Lashevich (Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Rufin, Jew), P. Lazimir (Jew), A. Sadovsky (Jew), Pavel Dybenko (married to the Jewess Alexandra Kollontay), Nikolai Podvoisky, Vyacheslav Molotov (actually Skryabin), Vladimir Nevsky (Feodosi Krivobokov), Andrei Bubnov and Nikolai Skrypnik.

Lenin and his government gained power temporarily. That was why he also called his government provisional until the Constituent Assembly was elected on the 17th of November.

Something inexplicable happened at this point: in fact – nothing at all happened on the afternoon of the 7th of November. The historians cannot understand why the Winter Palace was not taken at once. The Soviet Congress also paused a while. Trotsky went into another room to rest. It was officially claimed that Lenin was in the building too, and went to sleep in another room in the afternoon.

At this time Lenin seemed to be but Trotsky’s bloodhound. At the Soviet Congress, only Trotsky was seen as he now and then came out to speak with some members. Lenin was nowhere to be seen. He only sent a few notes to Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Nikolai Podvoisky and some of the others at the congress. (Sergei Melgunov, "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power", Paris, 1953.)

According to the myth, about 5000 sailors had already gathered around the Winter Palace to prepare the storming early in the morning of the 25th October (7th of November). In actual fact, this building was taken over by a few hundred "revolutionaries", including 50 Red Guards, who calmly just marched straight into the palace.

What happened to all of those tens of thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who are so warmly spoken of in the history books? This was just another fabrication, for the Winter Palace was never stormed. It was not necessary. But to take over the seat of power at a carefully calculated point in time was a symbolic act with astrological connotations for Lenin and Trotsky.

That was why Trotsky still wanted to gather as many people as possible. 235 workers were brought from the Baltic Dockyard. Only 80 were fetched from the Putilov Factory, despite 1500 Red Guards having been officially registered there. A total of 26 000 worked there. All the important sites in the city were taken over by a few thousand "revolutionaries"...

The first Red Guards gathered by the Winter Palace only at around 4:30 in the afternoon, according to the exiled Russian historian Sergei Melgunov. The chief of the Red Guards, Vladimir Nevsky (who later became People’s Commissary for Communications), received orders to wait. At around six o’clock, the principal of the Artillery Academy in Mikhailovsk ordered his cadets to leave the Winter Palace. The Cossacks also left, according to Sergei Melgunov’s book "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power" (Paris, 1953, p. 119).

Eventually only two companies of the women’s battalion and 40 disabled soldiers remained. This cannot be explained in any other way than that the Provisional Government did everything in its power to hand the Winter Palace over to the Bolsheviks as peacefully as possible. The Provisional Government no longer held any power. It was all just a big show for the public.

The theatres held their performances, the restaurants stayed open. Nobody noticed that anything strange was going on. The bridge watchmen had no idea about the real situation, either. Lenin and Trotsky, wishing to be on the safe side by securing all the transport routes between the different areas of the city, had bribed all the bridge watchmen.

Time passed and still nothing happened. Everybody waited. According to the myth, the Bolsheviks had issued an ultimatum to the Provisional Government, which refused to answer. But how could they issue an ultimatum to a government which already on the 3rd of November had voluntarily handed over power to the military revolutionary committee? Besides, Trotsky had confirmed at 2:35 in the afternoon of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government no longer existed. At 10 o’clock the Soviet Congress had proclaimed: "Government power lies with the Military Revolutionary Committee!"

Why it was necessary for Trotsky to put up a show will soon be evident to the observant reader. Trotsky wanted the whole spectacle to appear more dramatic than it actually was. For this reason, he had a number of shells fired from the Peter-Paul Fort while trams continued to roll over the Troitsky Bridge, according to the British ambassador Sir George Buchanan (who, by the way, was involved in the deposition of the Tsar). The remarkable thing was that those shells never hit the Winter Palace. The official explanation was that they were aimed too badly. But why could the Bolsheviks not find anyone among all those thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who could aim properly? It appears that those who fired the shells suddenly lost their ability to aim straight. All those explosions only managed to break one single window. Why were precisely 35 shells fired? Did that number have some Cabbalistic meaning?

The Red Guards waited for a while outside the Winter Palace despite the absence of guards at the sidedoor, according to M. Heller and A. Nekrich ("Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 41). Neither did the Petrograd Garrison take any action against the Bolsheviks. They just watched the show.

The Red Guards walked around in the city and coerced a few sailors into following them to the Winter Palace, including Indrikis Ruckulis, who was a 27-year-old Latvian officer from Kronstadt and the commander of a group of sailors. He was threatened with death when he refused to accompany the Red Guards. He asserted that no single shell was fired from the armoured cruiser Aurora to give the signal for the storming, as was later claimed (Expressen, the 17th of October 1984). This was another myth.

There was no storming of the Winter Palace. Everything proceeded calmly. No blood was spilled. The Red Guards just waited until it was time to march in. They waited until 1:30 in the morning, according to Indrikis Ruckulis and several other sources. They opened fire for fifteen minutes for the sake of appearances. Nobody was hurt during this "battle", according to a young Marxist, Uralov, who was there. There was nobody to hurt. The Bolsheviks’ fire was never answered.

The Red Guards and sailors then walked through side doors into the Winter Palace, according to the historians Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, who had found testimonies relating this. The remaining members of the women’s battalion made no resistance, but "capitulated immediately". When the Bolsheviks had coolly walked in through the unguarded entrances, they strolled about in the halls and corridors and greeted the "defenders", who did not resist, in a friendly manner (E. M. Halliday, "Russia in Revolution", Malmï¿½, 1968, p. 120). Even E. M. Halliday confirms that there was never a battle. Only in Moscow was any kind of resistance offered. The Kremlin was fired upon until three in the morning, despite the fact that the cadets had left the building by 7 o’clock on the previous evening.

Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (1883-1937), who was a comrade of Trotsky, had been given the task of removing the Provisional Government. Here something extremely puzzling occurred. This was related by Radio Russia on the 12th of August 1991 at two in the afternoon.

Antonov-Ovseyenko and his Red Guards reached the Malachite Hall just before two o’clock and waited behind a door leading to the council chamber of the Provisional Government. The government (without Kerensky) had, against all reason, gathered there. Why?

Antonov-Ovseyenko just stood looking at the clock. Red Guards and sailors also stood waiting for Antonov-Ovseyenko’s signal. They waited there for about ten minutes. He later sent a telegram to Lenin: "The Winter Palace was taken over at 2:04." At 2:10 Antonov-Ovseyenko said: "It is time!" ("Para!") to the Red Guards. He opened the door and said something very cryptic: "Gentlemen! Your time is up!"

We may presume that the Bolsheviks officially took over on the 26th October (8th of November) 1917 at 2:04 in the morning. A closer astrological investigation reveals that the sun was just then in the precise centre of the sign of Scorpio (14*58’).

In the horoscope of the Soviet regime, MC (Medium Coeli = the zenith) lay 4*28’ in Gemini (which stands for power) – an aspect which was favourable to the seizure of power. This horoscope was the worst possible for the subjects of the Soviet Union. It shows that everything was based upon deceit. Only technical development was favoured, spiritual values were entirely rejected. Only the terrorist powermongers were at an advantage. According to its horoscope, the Soviet regime brought nothing good at all into the world. People should have been wary of such a deadly power. It brought only enormous problems and catastrophes. This interpretation is confirmed by the Swedish astrologer Anders Ekström in Skyttorp.